Europe is confronting a growing political challenge as far-right movements gain electoral strength, nationalist rhetoric becomes increasingly mainstream and alliances between sections of the European right, American Maga politics and pro-Russian voices create new pressure on the continent’s liberal democratic order.
The recent victory of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany’s Saxony-Anhalt state election has intensified those concerns. The result is significant not simply because another far-right party has achieved an electoral breakthrough, but because it has happened in Germany, a country that has spent decades confronting the legacy of Nazism and building political institutions designed to prevent a return to authoritarian nationalism.
Germany’s postwar political culture was shaped by an unusually determined effort to acknowledge and confront its past. The concept of Vergangenheitsbewältigung — broadly understood as coming to terms with a shameful historical legacy — became part of the country’s democratic identity.
The AfD’s rise has challenged that political consensus.
The party has moved well beyond the traditional boundaries of Germany’s political establishment, combining hardline positions on immigration and national identity with rhetoric that critics argue echoes elements of Germany’s far-right past. Its growing influence has consequently generated concern not only within Germany but across Europe.
The developments also form part of a broader transformation in European politics. For much of the postwar period, liberal democracy, European integration, economic cooperation and political compromise were treated as foundations of stability. The optimism surrounding the expansion of a more interconnected Europe appeared particularly strong around the turn of the millennium.
Today, that confidence is increasingly being challenged by nationalist movements that argue that sovereignty, borders and national identity should take precedence over liberal internationalism.
The German example has also attracted attention because the AfD has received encouragement from influential figures outside the country. Elon Musk has openly supported the party, using his enormous reach on X to amplify its political messaging. US Vice-President JD Vance has also met AfD co-leader Alice Weidel, reflecting a growing ideological connection between parts of the American and European right.
The broader political environment created during Donald Trump’s return to prominence in US politics has further complicated the European debate. Trump-aligned political thinking has increasingly emphasised immigration, national sovereignty and what it describes as the defence of Western civilisation against cultural transformation.
For European far-right movements, such international connections provide visibility and political legitimacy. At the same time, they raise questions about whether nationalist parties are becoming part of a broader transatlantic political network rather than operating solely within their own national political systems.
Britain provides another important example.
Reform UK leader Nigel Farage has long occupied a prominent position on Britain’s populist right and was once an enthusiastic supporter of Trump. Yet the political landscape further to the right has become increasingly crowded, with figures and movements advocating positions even more uncompromising than those associated with Farage.
His relationship with the AfD illustrates some of the tensions within Europe’s nationalist camp. Farage has previously supported the German party but has more recently described it as a mixed political force, praising some of its cultural positions while expressing discomfort with its relationship with authoritarian leaders such as Vladimir Putin.
That tension is significant because the European far right is far from politically uniform. While parties may share opposition to immigration, hostility toward established liberal institutions and criticism of mainstream political parties, they can differ sharply over Russia, the European Union and international affairs.
Farage himself has faced questions over his previous admiration for Putin. His comments from 2014 identifying the Russian president as the world leader he admired most as a political operator have acquired renewed significance as pro-Russian positions have become more controversial following Moscow’s actions in Europe.
The wider issue is the growing intersection between far-right politics and Russian influence. Support for Moscow is not limited to one ideological camp, but concerns about Russian propaganda, political influence and financial connections have become particularly prominent in debates surrounding nationalist movements.
Britain’s Reform movement has also attempted to strengthen links with other European populist parties. Farage recently appeared alongside Jordan Bardella, a leading figure of France’s National Rally, in connection with a proposed agreement aimed at addressing small-boat migration across the English Channel.
Such cooperation may appear politically convenient, but it also exposes the contradictions within nationalist politics. Movements that emphasise national sovereignty often have difficulty maintaining genuine international alliances because their central political philosophy places national interests first.
The European Union itself presents another paradox for nationalist parties.
Many European populists have built political careers by attacking Brussels and criticising European integration. Yet some now appear more interested in reshaping the European project from within than abandoning it altogether.
Britain’s experience with Brexit provides a powerful reference point. Leaving the European Union delivered the defining political victory of Farage’s career, but the economic and political consequences have also made it difficult for other European nationalist parties to argue that departure from the EU is necessarily beneficial.
For many continental populists, the emerging strategy may therefore be less about destroying the European project and more about transforming it into a looser, more nationalist political structure.
The consequences could extend well beyond immigration policy. A stronger nationalist presence in European governments could influence foreign policy, relations with Russia, support for Ukraine, European integration and cooperation with the United States.
Yet the current political shift does not necessarily mean that liberal democracy is destined to collapse.
Nationalist parties are not a single, coordinated movement. Their emphasis on national interests can itself make sustained cooperation difficult. Rivalries between political leaders, competing national priorities and disagreements over foreign policy can limit their ability to form a unified political bloc.
There are also powerful forces within European societies that continue to defend democratic institutions, pluralism, human rights and political tolerance.
The rise of the AfD and other far-right movements should therefore be understood as a warning rather than an inevitable historical outcome.
Europe has experienced periods when nationalism and political extremism appeared unstoppable. It has also demonstrated that democratic institutions can recover and that political cultures can change.
The challenge now is whether Europe’s mainstream political forces can respond to the frustrations driving voters toward the far right without abandoning the principles that have underpinned the continent’s postwar stability.
The danger is not simply that far-right parties win elections. It is that fear, resentment and political polarisation gradually make intolerance appear normal.
Europe is once again standing at a political crossroads. The continent can respond to today’s anxieties by retreating into nationalism and division, or it can attempt to renew the democratic ideals of tolerance, cooperation and pluralism that helped shape modern Europe.
The direction is not predetermined. But the growing strength of the far right makes the choice increasingly urgent.
A news by Alisha Pradhan, General Secretary, HerNet Foundation